By Naomi Scheinerman
The decision in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores has been severely scrutinized, from rebukes against corporate personhood to feminists decrying that the Court’s majority, five conservative male judges,
devalue and deny women’s personhood. Justice Ginsburg’s scathing dissent and
Justices Sotomayor and Kagan’s equally passionate disapproval offer a gendered
lens that is impossible to ignore. And further, the Hobby Lobby decision
actually does far more harm than good in protecting religious freedoms.
First, Hobby Lobby’s
anti-contraception argument relies on fallacious scientific claims that will
facilitate further violations of the corporation’s religious beliefs. Hobby
Lobby objects to the two IUD’s and Plan B and Ella (emergency contraception) by
claiming that using them is akin to having an abortion. This is false. Plan B
and Ella prevent ovulation which prevents pregnancy after sex. The International Federation of Gynecology &
Obstetrics published a study concluding that because Plan B does not inhibit
implantation, it is therefore not an “abortifacient,” a substance that induces
abortion. Because Hobby Lobby argued that emergency contraception equals
abortions, when in fact emergency contraception does NOT equal abortions, the
Court should have thrown out Hobby Lobby’s arguments. As a result of this
decision, women who work for Hobby Lobby and are now denied emergency contraception
coverage will be much more likely to seek an abortion in their future. Half of women who purchase Plan B do so because of unplanned pregnancy (which includes both
consensual and non-consensual sex). Hobby Lobby is paving the way for more
abortions, not fewer.
Second, Hobby Lobby’s small
closely held corporation’s religious freedoms are being protected at the
expense of the freedom from religious imposition on its employees who rely on
health insurance to access reproductive freedoms. A closely held company is one in which five or fewer people own the majority of the
company. Not only is it strange to treat a corporation as a person with its own
convictions, but this decision shows that the Court prefers the religious
arguments of a few people in charge over the views of many more who actually
work for the corporation. The Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 (RFRA)
– the legislation that Hobby Lobby claimed the contraception mandate violated -
was originally enacted to protect Native Americans from laws that burdened
their exercise of religion. As such, the RFRA was originally constructed to protect employees from theburdensome religious standards of employers and laws. In fact, Catholic and other Christian denominations were
even opposed to the RFRA initially because they thought it would protect the “right to a religiously-motivated abortion.” Even if an employee of Hobby Lobby does not have a
religious conviction to use contraception, the
employers of Hobby Lobby are imposing their religious views by forcing the
employees’ actions to align with their own religious practices that forbid
abortions. An individual at Hobby Lobby, who is not one of the
five people in the entire corporation who wants to prevent contraceptive
access, is burdened, something the RFRA was meant to prevent, not allow.
Third, there is real danger in
granting religious freedom to corporations that claim exemptions to laws. In Callahan v. Woods, for example, taxpayers used
the RFRA to object to the use of social security numbers, arguing that they
related to the “mark of the beast.” The Court
dismissed this argument. Since the release of the Hobby Lobby decision, many
companies have come out of the woodwork, claiming religious exemption to other
laws that ban discrimination in hiring or protect women’s reproductive
freedoms. The Court ruled that the religious freedom is protected when the law
imposes a “substantial burden” on the corporation. This should be interpreted
to what the corporation does (its business and goals) rather than how the five
or fewer owners feel about the actions of their employees. Is it a substantial
burdensome to the selling of paint and brushes to allow female employees to
obtain emergency contraption or an IUD?
Naomi Scheinerman is a Research Assistant at The Hastings Center. She graduated Phi Beta Kappa, with high honors and in distinction from the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, where she received bachelor’s degrees in philosophy, political science, and Hebrew and Jewish Cultural Studies. She contributes a bi-weekly column on reproductive health.
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